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Chitika

Wednesday, July 13, 2011

OVERVIEW OF FULLER CAPITAL ACCOUNT CONVERTIBILITY AND THE COMMITTEE’S APPROACH


Meaning of Capital Account Convertibility

2.1 Currency convertibility refers to the freedom to convert the domestic currency into other internationally accepted currencies and vice versa. Convertibility in that sense is the obverse of controls or restrictions on currency transactions. While current account convertibility refers to freedom in respect of ‘payments and transfers for current international transactions’, capital account convertibility (CAC) would mean freedom of currency conversion in relation to capital transactions in terms of inflows and outflows. Article VIII of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) puts an obligation on a member to avoid imposing restrictions on the making of payments and transfers for current international transactions. Members may cooperate for the purpose of making the exchange control regulations of members more effective. Article VI (3), however, allows members to exercise such controls as are necessary to regulate international capital movements, but not so as to restrict payments for current transactions or which would unduly delay transfers of funds in settlement of commitments.

2.2 The cross-country experience with capital account liberalisation suggests that countries, including those which have an open capital account, do retain some regulations influencing inward and outward capital flows. The 2005 IMF Annual Report on Exchange Arrangement and Exchange Restrictions shows that while there is a general tendency among countries to lift controls on capital movement, most countries retain a variety of capital controls with specific provisions relating to banks and credit institutions and institutional investors (Table 2.1). Even in the European Community (EC), which otherwise allows unrestricted movement of capital, the EC Treaty provides for certain restrictions. 

2.3 The path to fuller capital account convertibility (FCAC) is becoming unidirectional towards greater capital account convertibility. For the purpose of this Committee, the working definition of CAC would be as follows: CAC refers to the freedom to convert local financial assets into foreign financial assets and vice versa. It is associated with changes of ownership in foreign/domestic financial assets and liabilities and embodies the creation and liquidation of claims on, or by, the rest of the world. CAC can be, and is, coexistent with restrictions other than on external payments. Changing International and Emerging Market Perspectives

2.4 There is some literature which supports a free capital account in the context of global integration, both in trade and finance, for enhancing growth and welfare. The perspective on CAC has, however, undergone some change following the experiences of emerging market economies (EMEs) in Asia and Latin America which went through currency and banking crises in the 1990s. A few countries backtracked and re-imposed some capital controls as part of crisis resolution. While there are economic, social and human costs of crisis, it has also been argued that extensive presence of capital controls, when an economy opens up the current account, creates distortions, making them either ineffective or unsustainable. The costs and benefits or risks and gains from capital account liberalisation or controls are still being debated among both academics and policy makers. The IMF, which had mooted the idea of changing its Charter to include capital account liberalisation in its mandate, shelved this proposal. 

2.5 These developments have led to considerable caution being exercised by EMEs in opening up the capital account. The link between capital account liberalisation and growth is yet to be firmly established by empirical research. Nevertheless, the mainstream view holds that capital account liberalisation can be beneficial when countries move in tandem with a strong macroeconomic policy framework, sound financial system and markets, supported by prudential regulatory and supervisory policies. Objectives and Significance of Fuller Capital Account Convertibility (FCAC) in the Indian Context

2.6 Following a gradualist approach, the 1997 Committee recommended a set of measures and their phasing and sequencing. India has cautiously opened up its capital account since the early 1990s and the state of capital controls in India today can be considered as the most liberalised it has ever been in its history since the late 1950s. Nevertheless, several capital controls continue to persist. In this context, FCAC would signify the additional measures which could be taken in furtherance of CAC and in that sense, ‘Fuller Capital Account Convertibility’ would not necessarily mean zero capital regulation. In this context, the analogy to de jure current account convertibility is pertinent. De jure current account convertibility recognises that there would be reasonable limits for certain transactions, with ‘reasonableness’ being perceived by the user.

2.7 FCAC is not an end in itself, but should be treated only as a means to realise the potential of the economy to the maximum possible extent at the least cost. Given the huge investment needs of the country and that domestic savings alone will not be adequate to meet this aim, inflows of foreign capital become imperative.

2.8 The inflow of foreign equity capital can be in the form of portfolio flows or foreign direct investment (FDI). FDI tends to be also associated with nonfinancial aspects, such as transfer of technology, infusion of management and supply chain practices, etc. In that sense, it has greater impact on growth. To what extent FDI is attracted is also determined by complementary policies and environment. For example, China has had remarkable success in attracting large FDI because of enabling policies like no sectoral limits, decentralised decision making at the levels of provisional and local governments and flexible labour laws in special economic zones. By contrast, in India, policies for portfolio or Foreign Institutional Investor (FII) flows are much more liberal, but the same cannot be said for FDI. Attracting foreign capital inflows also depend on the transparency and freedom for exit of non-resident inflows and easing of capital controls on outflows by residents. The objectives of FCAC in this context are: (i) to facilitate economic growth through higher investment by minimising the cost of both equity and debt capital; (ii) to improve the efficiency of the financial sector through greater competition, thereby minimising intermediation costs and (iii) to provide opportunities for diversification of investments by residents. Some Lessons from the Currency Crises
in Emerging Market Economics

2.9 The risks of FCAC arise mainly from inadequate preparedness before liberalisation in terms of domestic and external sector policy consolidation, strengthening of prudential regulation and development of financial markets, including infrastructure, for orderly functioning of these markets. 2.10 In the above context, the East Asian experience and that of some other EMEs is of relevance:

(i) The East Asian currency crisis began in Thailand in late June 1997 and afflicted other countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, South Korea and the Philippines and lasted up to the last quarter of 1998. The major macroeconomic causes for the crisis were identified as: current account imbalances with concomitant savings-investment imbalance, overvalued exchange rates, high dependence upon potentially short-term capital flows. These macroeconomic factors were exacerbated by microeconomic imprudence such as maturity mismatches, currency mismatches, moral hazard behaviour of lenders and borrowers and excessive leveraging.
(ii) The Mexican crisis in 1994–95 was caused by weaknesses in Mexico's economic position from an overvalued exchange rate, and current account deficit at 6.5 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 1993, financed largely by short-term capital inflows. (iii) Brazil was suffering from both fiscal and balance of payments weaknesses and was affected in the aftermath of the East Asian crisis in early 1998 when inflows of private foreign capital suddenly dried up. After the Russian crisis in 1998, capital flows to Brazil came to a halt.
(iv) In 1998, Russia faced a serious foreign exchange crisis due to concerns about its fiscal situation and had to introduce a series of emergency measures, including re-intensification of capital controls and the announcement of a debt moratorium. Russia has lifted the last remaining restrictions on the rouble on July 1, 2006 clearing the way for making its currency fully convertible. The rouble's exchange rate will continue to be linked to a bi-currency basket and will be managed by the central bank.
(v) Argentina embarked on a currency board arrangement pegged to US dollar from April 1991 up to January 2002 which coupled with Argentina's persistent inability to reduce its high public and external debts, caused a recession-turned-depression during 1998-2001. This led Argentina to abandon the peg in January 2002, first devaluing and later floating its currency.
(vi) Difficulties in meeting huge requirements for public sector borrowing in 1993 and early 1994, led to Turkey's currency crisis in 1994. As a result, output fell by 6 per cent, inflation rose to three-digit levels, the central bank lost half of its reserves, and the exchange rate depreciated by more than 50 per cent. Turkey faced a series of crisis again beginning 2000 due to a combination of economic and noneconomic factors.
2.11 From the various currency crises experienced in the past fifteen years, certain lessons emerge, which are summarised below:
(i) Most currency crises arise out of prolonged overvalued exchange rates, leading to unsustainable current account deficits. As the pressure on the exchange rate mounts, there is rising volatility of flows as well as of the exchange rate itself. An excessive appreciation of the exchange rate causes exporting industries to become unviable, and imports to become much more competitive, causing the current account deficit to worsen.
(ii) Even countries that had apparently comfortable fiscal positions, have experienced currency crises and rapid deterioration of the exchange rate. In many other economies, large unsustainable levels of external and domestic debt directly led to currency crises. Hence, a transparent fiscal consolidation is necessary and desirable, to reduce the risk of currency crisis.
(iii) Short-term debt flows react quickly and adversely during currency crises. Receivables are typically postponed, and payables accelerated, aggravating the balance of payments position. (iv) Domestic financial institutions, in particular banks, need to be strong and resilient. The quality and proactive nature of market regulation is also critical to the success of efficient functioning of financial markets during times of currency crises.
(v) Imposition of safeguards in the form of moderate controls on capital flows may be necessary in some cases.
(vi) The quality of balance sheets in terms of risk exposure needs to be monitored.
(vii) While the impossibility of the trinity (fixed exchange rate, open capital account and independent monetary policy) may be a theoretical construct, in practice, it is possible to approach situations, which are close enough, through a combination of prudential policies.
(viii) Opening up of foreign investment in domestic debt market needs to be pursued with caution as also the issuance of foreign currency linked domestic bonds.

Country macroeconomic data are set out in Annex II. Committee’s Approach to FCAC and Related Issues

2.12 The status of capital account convertibility in India for various nonresidents is as follows: for foreign corporates, and foreign institutions, there is a reasonable amount of convertibility; for non-resident Indians (NRIs) there is approximately an equal amount of convertibility, but one accompanied by severe procedural and regulatory impediments. For non-resident individuals, other than NRIs, there is near-zero convertibility. Movement towards FCAC implies that all non-residents (corporates and individuals) should be treated equally. This would mean the removal of the tax benefits presently accorded to NRIs via special bank deposit schemes for NRIs, viz., Non-Resident External Rupee Account [NR(E)RA] and Foreign Currency Non-Resident (Banks) Scheme [FCNR(B)]. The Committee recommends that the present tax benefit for these special deposit schemes for NRIs, [NR(E)RA and FCNR(B)], should be reviewed by the government. The existing concessions date back to an era when Indian tax rates were much higher; now they are comparable to the rest of the world. Moreover, in the interim years, India has entered into Double Taxation Avoidance (DTA) agreements with various countries which permit taxes levied in one country to be allowed as a tax credit in the other. These changes warrant a review of the current tax provisions. Non-residents, other than NRIs, should be allowed to open FCNR(B) and NR(E)RA accounts without tax benefits, subject to Know Your Customer (KYC) and Financial Action Task Force (FATF) norms. In the case of the present NRI schemes for various types of investments, other than deposits, there are a number of procedural impediments and these should be examined by the Government and the RBI.

2.13 In practice, the distinction between current and capital account transactions is not always clear-cut. There are transactions which straddle the current and capital account. Illustratively, payments for imports are a current account item but to the extent these are on credit terms, a capital liability emerges and with increase in trade payments, trade finance would balloon and the resultant vulnerability should carefully be kept in view in moving forward to FCAC. Contrarily, extending credit to exports is tantamount to capital outflows.

2.14 As regards residents, the capital restrictions are clearly more stringent than for non-residents. Furthermore, resident corporates face a relatively more liberal regime than resident individuals. Till recently, resident individuals faced a virtual ban on capital outflow but a small relaxation has been undertaken in the recent period. There is justification for some liberalisation in the rules governing resident individuals investing abroad for the purpose of asset diversification. The experience thus far shows that there has not been much difficulty with the present order of limits for such outflows. It would be desirable to consider a gradual liberalisation for resident corporates/business entities, banks, non-banks and individuals. The issue of liberalisation of capital outflows for individuals is a strong confidence building measure, but such opening up has to be well calibrated as there are fears of waves of outflows. The general experience is that as the capital account is liberalised for resident outflows, the net inflows do not decrease, provided the macroeconomic framework is stable.

2.15 As India progressively moves on the path of FCAC, the issue of investments being channelled through a particular country so as to obtain tax benefits would come to the fore as investments through other channels get discriminated against. Such discriminatory tax treaties are not consistent with an increasing liberalisation of the capital account as distortions inevitably emerge, possibly raising the cost of capital to the host country. With global integration of capital markets, tax policies should be harmonised. It would, therefore, be desirable that the government undertakes a review of tax policies and tax treaties.

2.16 In terms of the concomitants to FCAC, some sustainable macroeconomic indicators need to be considered. While a precise prioritisation of these indicators would be difficult, the policy for macroeconomic stability widens in scope in an open economy with domestic and external market liberalisation. The conventional focus on price stability and counter-cyclical monetary and fiscal policies needs to be modulated to address the issue of financial stability consistent with the objectives of FCAC.

2.17 A hierarchy of preferences may need to be set out on capital inflows. In terms of type of flows, allowing greater flexibility for rupee denominated debt which would be preferable to foreign currency debt, medium and long term debt in preference to short-term debt, and direct investment to portfolio flows. There are reports of large flows of private equity capital, all of which may not be captured in the data (this issue needs to be reviewed by the RBI). There is a need to monitor the amount of short term borrowings and banking capital, both of which have been shown to be problematic during the crisis in East Asia and in other EMEs.

2.18 Greater focus may be needed on regulatory and supervisory issues in banking to strengthen the entire risk management framework. Preference should be given to control volatility in cross-border capital flows in prudential policy measures. Given the importance that the commercial banks occupy in the Indian financial system, the banking system should be the focal point for appropriate prudential policy measures. In the absence of strong risk management policies and treasury management skills, banks may be prone to excessive risk taking. Strong prudential policies will help banks in minimising financial risks and possible losses. These prudential measures should be applicable to both balance sheet items as also off-balance sheet items.

2.19 Management of normal flows may have to be distinguished from emergence of vulnerable situations of large inflows as also sudden cessation of inflows. Potential for large outflows also cannot be precluded under conditions of uncertainty. Major shifts in sentiments, leverage, and liquidity problems could cause major financial panics rendering shocks to the entire financial system. Broad Framework for Timing, Phasing and Sequencing of Measures

2.20 On a review of existing controls, a broad time frame of a five year period in three phases, 2006-07 (Phase I), 2007-08 and 2008-09 (Phase II) and 2009-10 and 2010-11 (Phase III) has been considered appropriate by the Committee. This enables the authorities to undertake a stock taking after each Phase before moving on to the next Phase. The roadmap should be considered as a broad time-path for measures and the pace of actual implementation would no doubt be determined by the authorities’ assessment of overall macroeconomic developments as also specific problems as they unfold. There is a need to break out of the “control” mindset and the substantive items subject to capital controls should be separated from the procedural issues. This will enable a better monitoring of the capital controls and enable a more meaningful calibration of the liberalisation process. Summary of Features of Controls on Capital Transactions in IMF Member Countries
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(Total number of countries: 184)
Features of Controls on  Capital Transactions
Total no. of Countries with this feature
1. Capital Market Securities - 126
2. Money Market Transactions - 103
3. Collective Investment Securities - 97
4. Derivatives and Other Instruments - 83
5. Commercial Credits - 98
6. Financial Credits - 109
7. Guarantees, Sureties and Financial Backup
Facilities
- 87
8. Direct Investment - 143
9. Liquidation of Direct Investment - 54
10. Real Estate Transactions - 135
11. Personal Capital Transactions - 97
Provisions specific to
(a) Commercial Banks and Other Credit
Institutions
- 157
(b) Institutional Investors - 91

Prestigious Awards of India

Bharat Ratna Award
India has produced a legacy of brave hearts since times immemorial. Probably there is not enough space to measure their sacrifices. However, we cannot close our eyes to those people who have made our country proud by excelling in their own fields and bringing us international recognition. Bharat Ratna is the highest civilian honour, given for exceptional service towards advancement of Art, Literature and Science, and in recognition of Public Service of the highest order.
The original specifications for the award called for a circular gold medal, 35 mm in diameter, with the sun and the Hindi legend "Bharat Ratna" above and a floral wreath below. The reverse was to carry the state emblem and motto. It was to be worn around the neck from a white ribbon. This design was altered after a year.

Bharat Ratna Award
(Reverse Side)
The provision of Bharat Ratna was introduced in 1954. The first ever Indian to receive this award was the famous scientist, Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman. Since then, many dignitaries, each a whiz in varied aspects of their career has received this coveted award.
In fact, our former President, Shri A. P. J Abdul Kalam is also a recipient of this esteemed honour (1997). There is no written provision that Bharat Ratna should be awarded to Indian citizens only. The award has been awarded to a naturalized Indian citizen, Agnes Gonxha Bojaxhiu, better known as Mother Teresa (1980) and to two non-Indians – Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Nelson Mandela (1990). It is also not mandatory that Bharat Ratna be awarded every year. The last time this award was given was in 2008, to Pandit Bhimsen Gururaj Joshi.


  • Pandit Bhimsen Gururaj Joshi
    Arts : 2008 : Karnataka
  • Kumari Lata Dinanath Mangeshkar
    Arts : 2001 : Maharashtra
  • Late. Ustad Bismillah Khan
    Arts : 2001 : Uttar Pradesh
  • Prof. Amartya Sen
    Literature & Education : 1999 : United Kingdom
  • Lokpriya Gopinath (posth.) Bordoloi
    Public Affairs : 1999 : Assam
  • Loknayak Jayprakash (Posth.) Narayan
    Public Affairs : 1999 : Bihar
  • Pandit Ravi Shankar
    Arts : 1999 : United States
  • Shri Chidambaram Subramaniam
    Public Affairs : 1998 : Tamil Nadu
  • Smt. M.S. Subbulakshmi
    Arts : 1998 : Tamil Nadu
  • Shri (Dr.) A.P.J. Abdul Kalam
    Science & Engineering. : 1997 : Delhi
  • Smt. Aruna Asaf (Posth.) Ali
    Public Affairs : 1997 : Delhi
  • Shri Gulzari Lal (Shri) Nanda
    Public Affairs : 1997 : Gujarat
  • Shri Jehangir Ratanji Dadabhai Tata
    Trade & Industry : 1992 : Maharashtra
  • Shri Maulana Abul Kalam Azad
    Public Affairs : 1992 : West Bengal
  • Shri Satyajit Ray
    Arts : 1992 : West Bengal
  • Shri Morarji Ranchhodji Desai
    Public Affairs : 1991 : Gujarat
  • Shri Rajiv Gandhi
    Public Affairs : 1991 : Delhi
  • Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
    Public Affairs : 1991 : Gujarat
  • Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedakr
    Public Affairs : 1990 : Maharashtra
  • Dr. Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela
    Public Affairs : 1990 : South Africa
  • Shri Marudur Gopalan Ramachandran
    Public Affairs : 1988 : Tamil Nadu
  • Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
    Social Work : 1987 : Pakistan
  • Shri Acharya Vinoba Bhave
    Social Work : 1983 : Maharashtra
  • Mother Mary Teresa Bojaxhiu Teresa
    Social Work : 1980 : West Bengal
  • Shri Kumaraswamy Kamraj
    Public Affairs : 1976 : Tamil Nadu
  • Shri V.V. Giri
    Public Affairs : 1975 : Orissa
  • Smt. Indira Gandhi
    Public Affairs : 1971 : Uttar Pradesh
  • Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri
    Public Affairs : 1966 : Uttar Pradesh
  • Dr. Pandurang Vaman Kane
    Social Work : 1963 : Maharashtra
  • Dr. Zakir Hussain
    Public Affairs : 1963 : Andhra Pradesh
  • Dr. Rajendra Prasad
    Public Affairs : 1962 : Bihar
  • Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy
    Public Affairs : 1961 : West Bengal
  • Shri Purushottam Das Tandon
    Public Affairs : 1961 : Uttar Pradesh
  • Dr. Dhondo Keshav Karve
    Social Work : 1958 : Maharashtra
  • Pt. Govind Ballabh Pant
    Public Affairs : 1957 : Uttar Pradesh
  • Dr. Bhagwan Das
    Literature & Education : 1955 : Uttar Pradesh
  • Shri Jawaharlal Nehru
    Public Affairs : 1955 : Uttar Pradesh
  • Dr. M. Vishweshwariah
    Civil Service : 1955 : Karnataka
  • Shri Chakravarti Rajagopalachari
    Public Affairs : 1954 : Tamil Nadu
  • Dr. Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman
    Science & Engineering. : 1954 : Tamil Nadu
·         Dr. Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan
Public Affairs : 1954 : Tamil Nadu
  •  


Param Vir Chakra (PVC)

Param Vir Chakra (PVC) is the highest gallantry award for officers and other enlisted personnel of all military branches of India for the highest degree of valour in the presence of the enemy. Introduced on 26th January 1950, this award may be given posthumously.
Literally, Param Vir Chakra means 'Wheel (or Cross) of the Ultimate Brave'. In Sanskrit, 'Param means Ultimate, 'Vir (Pronounced veer) means Brave and 'Chakra means Wheel.
If any recipient of the PVC shall again perform such and act of bravery as would have made him or her eligible to be recorded by a Bar to be attached to the riband by which the Chakra is suspended, and for every such additional act of bravery, an additional Bar shall be added, and any such Bar or Bars may also be awarded posthumously. For every Bar awarded a replica of the 'Indra's Vajra' in miniature shall be added to the riband when worn alone.
The PVC is the equivalent award of the Medal of Honour in the United States, and the Victoria Cross in the United Kingdom.

Padma Awards

Padma Awards, namely, Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan and Padma Shri are given for exceptional and distinguished service in any field including service rendered by Government servants. The recommendations for Padma Awards are received from the State Governments/Union Territory Administrations, Central Ministries/Departments, Institutions of Excellence, etc. which are considered by an Awards Committee. On the basis of the recommendations of the Awards Committee, and after approval of the Home Minister, Prime Minister and President, the Padma Awards are announced on the eve of the Republic Day.

Padma Vibhushan Award:

Padma Bhushan Award:

Padma Shri Award:

Gallantry Awards

The art of appreciating the brave and gallant is not new. They form one of the most important constituents of a nation’s stability.  History defines gallantry as commanded respect and appreciation. The concept of emancipation of the brave is cognizant in our Epics too. In the Mahabharata, the merit of dying as a martyr in the cause of Dharma is all along appreciated as the easiest way to heaven. In fact, any kind of death on the battlefield was considered glorious.
Whether being the appointed head of a clan, raised memorials in honour of the martyrs/brave souls or granted titles, robe of honour, cash awards or medals etc., recognition of bravery has always been a very prestigious affair. The conclusion of British Rule in India saw the end of the old institution of British honours and awards. Independent India saw the introduction of awards such as Param Vir Chakra, Maha Vir Chakra, Ashoka Chakra, Shaurya Chakra etc.

Ashok Chakra

The Ashok Chakra series of awards are open to civilians also. Recommendations received in respect of civilians from the State Governments/Union territory Administra-tions and Ministries/Departments of the Central Government are processed by the Ministry of Defence for the consideration of the Central Honours and Awards Committee chaired by the Defence Minister. These awards are biannual and are given on the Republic Day and Independence Day.

Shaurya Chakra

This is awarded for gallantry other than in the face of the enemy. This award may be granted to civilians or to military personnel and may be awarded posthumously.

Bravery Awards

The national awards for bravery was started in 1957 by the Indian Council for Child Welfare (ICCW) (External website that opens in a new window) to recognise and honour children who have performed outstanding deeds of bravery and selfless sacrifice. Every year the ICCW confers these awards to children below 16years of age.
Applications for these awards are acknowledged from Central/State government departments, Panchayats, Zila Parishads, school authorities as well as state and Union Territory councils for child welfare.
The selection is made by a committee constituted by the ICCW, comprising of representatives from the Secretariats of the President and the Vice-President, various ministries, as well as the Central Social Welfare Board, police, All India Radio, Doordarshan and leading NGOs such as the National Bal Bhavan, SOS, Children's Villages of India, R K Mission and experienced ICCW members.
The awards are announced on November 14 (Children's Day) and the Prime Minister presents the awards on the eve of Republic Day. The awardees receive a medal, certificate and cash as a token of their indispensable courage.
In addition to this, some of them are also granted financial assistance to complete their schooling (ICCW's sponsorship programme) and professional courses such as medical and engineering (under the Indira Gandhi scholarship scheme). Assistance is also provided to some till they complete their graduation.


EMPLOYEES' PROVIDENT FUND SCHEME 1952

Employee Definition:
"Employee" as defined in Section 2(f) of the Act means any person who is employee for wages in any kind of work manual or otherwise, in or in connection with the work of an establishment and who gets wages directly or indirectly from the employer and includes any person employed by or through a contractor in or in connection with the work of the establishment.
Membership:
All the employees (including casual, part time, Daily wage contract etc.) other then an excluded employee are required to be enrolled as members of the fund the day, the Act comes into force in such establishment.
Basic Wages:
"Basic Wages" means all emoluments which are earned by employee while on duty or on leave or holiday with wages in either case in accordance with the terms of the contract of employment and witch are paid or payable in cash, but dose not include
a.       The cash value of any food concession;
b.      Any dearness allowance (that is to say, all cash payment by whatever name called paid to an employee on account of a rise in the cost of living), house rent allowance, overtime allowance, bonus, commission or any other allowance payable to the employee in respect of employment or of work done in such employment.
c.       Any present made by the employer.
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Excluded Employee:
"Exclude Employee" as defined under pare 2(f) of the Employees' Provident Fund Scheme means an employee who having been a member of the fund has withdraw the full amount of accumulation in the fund on retirement from service after attaining the age of 55 years; Or An employee, whose pay exceeds Rs. Five Thousand per month at the time, otherwise entitled to become a member of the fund.
Explanation:
'Pay' includes basic wages with dearness allowance, retaining allowance, (if any) and cash value of food concessions admissible thereon.
Employee Provident Fund Scheme:
Employees' Provident Fund Scheme takes care of following needs of the members:
(i)   Retirement                                (ii) Medical Care                       (iii) Housing
(iv) Family obligation                        (v) Education of Children
(vi) Financing of Insurance Polices
How the Employees' Provident Fund Scheme works:
As per amendment-dated 22.9.1997 in the Act, both the employees and employer contribute to the fund at the rate of 12% of the basic wages, dearness allowance and retaining allowance, if any, payable to employees per month. The rate of contribution is 10% in the case of following establishments:
·         Any covered establishment with less then 20 employees, for establishments cover prior to 22.9.97.
·         Any sick industrial company as defined in clause (O) of Sub-Section (1) of Section 3 of the Sick Industrial Companies (Special Provisions) Act, 1985 and which has been declared as such by the Board for Industrial and Financial Reconstruction,
·         Any establishment which has at the end of any financial year accumulated losses equal to or exceeding its entire net worth and
·         Any establishment engaged in manufacturing of  (a) jute  (b) Breed  (d) coir  and  (e)  Guar gum Industries/ Factories. The contribution under the Employees' Provident Fund Scheme by the employee and employer will be as under with effect from 22.9.1997.    
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Employees' Provident Fund Interest rate:
The rate of interest is fixed by the Central Government in consultation with the Central Board of trustees, Employees' Provident Fund every year during March/April. The interest is credited to the members account on monthly running balance with effect from the last day in each year. The rate of interest for the year 1998-99 has been notified as 12%. The rate of interest for 99-2000 w.e.f. 1.7.'99 was 11% on monthly balances. 2000-2001 CBT recommended 10.25% to be notified by the Government.
Benefits:
A) A member of the provident fund can withdraw full amount at the credit in the fund on retirement from service after attaining the age of 55 year. Full amount in provident fund can also be withdraw by the member under the following circumstance:
·         A member who has not attained the age of 55 year at the time of termination of service.
·         A member is retired on account of permanent and total disablement due to bodily or mental infirmity.
·         On migration from India for permanent settlement abroad or for taking employment abroad.
·         In the case of mass or individual retrenchment.
B) In the case of the following contingencies, the payment of provident fund be made after complementing a continuous period of not less than two months immediately preceding the date on which the application for withdrawal is made by the member:
·         Where employees of close establishment are transferred to other establishment, which is not covered under the Act:
·         Where a member is discharged and is given retrenchment compensation under the Industrial Dispute Act, 1947.
Withdrawal before retirement:
A member can withdraw upto 90% of the amount of provident fund at credit after attaining the age of 54 years or within one year before actual retirement on superannuation whichever is later. Claim application in form 19 may be submitted to the concerned Provident Fund Office.
Accumulations of a deceased member:
Amount of Provident Fund at the credit of the deceased member is payable to nominees/ legal heirs. Claim application in form 20 may be submitted to the concerned Provident Fund Office.
Transfer of Provident Fund account:
Transfer of Provident Fund account from one region to other, from Exempted Provident Fund Trust to Unexampled Fund in a region and vice-versa can be done as per Scheme. Transfer Application in form 13 may be submitted to the concerned Provident Fund Office.
Nomination:
The member of Provident Fund shall make a declaration in Form 2, a nomination conferring the right to receive the amount that may stand to the credit in the fund in the event of death. The member may furnish the particulars concerning himself and his family. These particulars furnished by the member of Provident Fund in Form 2 will help the Organization in the building up the data bank for use in event of death of the member.
Annual Statement of account:
As soon as possible and after the close of each period of currency of contribution, annual statements of accounts will de sent to each member through of the factory or other establishment where the member was last employed. The statement of accounts in the fund will show the opening balance at the beginning of the period, amount contribution during the year, the total amount of interest credited at the end of the period or any withdrawal during the period and the closing balance at the end of the period. Member should satisfy themselves as to the correctness f the annual statement of accounts and any error should be brought through employer to the notice of the correctness Provident Fund Office within 6 months of the receipt of the statement.
What is Provident Fund?
There are two type of provident funds :
2. PPF (Public provident Fund)
What are they ?
Employee Provident Fund (EPF)
The Employee Provident Fund, is a retirement benefit scheme that is available to salaried employees.
Under this scheme, a stipulated amount (currently 12%) is deducted from the employee's salary and contributed towards the fund. This amount is decided by the government.The employer also contributes an equal amount to the fund.
However, an employee can contribute more than the stipulated amount if the scheme allows for it. So, let's say the employee decides 15% must be deducted towards the EPF. In this case, the employer is not obligated to pay any contribution over and above the amount as stipulated, which is 12%.
Other Points :
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- If you urgently need the money, you can take a loan on your PF. You can also make a premature withdrawal on the condition that you are withdrawing the money for your daughter's wedding (not son or not even yours) or you are buying a home.
- tax benefit under Sec 80C.
- The amount if withdrawn after completing 5 years in job will not be taxable.
Public Provident Fund (PPF)
The Public Provident Fund has been established by the central government. You can voluntarily decide to open one. You need not be a salaried individual, you could be a consultant, a freelancer or even working on a contract basis. You can also open this account if you are not earning.
Any individual can open a PPF account in any nationalised bank or its branches that handle PPF accounts. You can also open it at the head post office or certain select post offices.
You can take a loan on the PPF from the third year of opening your account to the sixth year. So, if the account is opened during the financial year 1997-98, the first loan can be taken during financial year 1999-2000 (the financial year is from April 1 to March 31).
The loan amount will be up to a maximum of 25% of the balance in your account at the end of the first financial year. In this case, it will be March 31, 1998.
You can make withdrawals during any one year from the sixth year. You are allowed to withdraw 50% of the balance at the end of the fourth year, preceding the year in which the amount is withdrawn or the end of the preceding year whichever is lower.
For example, if the account was opened in 1993-94 and the first withdrawal was made during 1999-2000, the amount you can withdraw is limited to 50% of the balance as on March 31, 1996, or March 31, 1999, whichever is lower.
If the account extended beyond 15 years, partial withdrawal -- up to 60% of the balance you have at the end of the 15 year period -- is allowed.
Where can you open a PPF account (India)
- At designated post offices throughout the country
- At designated branches of Public Sector Banks throughout the country.
Deposit limits
- Minimum deposit required is Rs. 500 in a financial year.
- Maximum deposit limit is Rs. 70,000 in a financial year.
-Maximum number of deposits is twelve in a financial year.
Other Points:
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- Return on investment : 8%
- tax benefit under Sec 80C , no tax on the maturity and no tax on interest earned.
- If you’re involved in a legal dispute, a court cannot attach or question the money in your PPF account.
Who shall invest in PPF
--------------------------------
Its mainly for people who are very conservative and cant take risk to great extent. Any one who wants to invest for long term in some secure saving instrument must invest in PPF. To achieve long term goals there are many option like:
- Mutual Funds (Equity)
- Shares (Equity )
- PPF (Debt)
- Fixed Deposit (Debt)
- NSC (Debt)
- Others
Out of these , all under Debt catagory are safe. PPF is the most recommended if the investment horizon is very long like 15+ years.

'You can't blame liberalization for all our woes'

'You can't blame liberalization for all our woes'



It's convenient to externalise the enemy, says national convenor of the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan, B Ekbal, but it's the lack of political commitment and glaring deficiencies in the system that are really responsible for the mess the public health sector is in. In this interview, Dr Ekbal discusses the JSA campaign and the decline in Kerala's model healthcare system
Fresh from the partial victory scored by the Left Front parties over the controversial Patents (Amendment) Bill, against which the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan (JSA) lobbied extensively with MPs and health policymakers, JSA national convenor B Ekbal, however, asserts that the "battle is far from over" and adds that close monitoring will be essential to safeguard the hard-won concessions.
An informal alliance of 21 networks working on public health-related issues in different parts of the country, the JSA was formed as a follow-up to the first People's Health Assembly in Savar, Bangladesh, in December 2000 and the National People's Health Assembly held in Kolkata prior to that.
The Savar conclave witnessed the coming together of thousands of civil society organisations and people's movements from various countries, to draw up an action plan to pressure governments around the globe to implement the 1970 Alma Ata pledge of 'Health for All by 2000'.
Talking to InfoChange Agenda , Dr Ekbal details the campaigns taken up by the JSA, during the past four years, at the national, state and grassroots level to further the alliance's goals. He also talks of the decline in the healthcare system in his native Kerala, once lauded as a model for public healthcare systems in the country.
How did a neurosurgeon like you get involved in public health and access to healthcare? How did you get involved with the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan?
After finishing my medical studies in 1970 I got actively involved with the Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP), which was taking up health-related issues apart from other social concerns relating to education, the environment, etc. I was also closely interacting with the Medico Friends Circle (MFC), which had then taken up a nationwide campaign against the selling of banned drugs in India . So, my interest in public health issues goes back some 25-30 years. As an activist of the People's Science Movement, I also got the opportunity to interact with several national and international organisations working on issues of right to healthcare.
The Jan Swasthya Abhiyan was founded in India as part of the Global People's Health Movement, following the first People's Health Assembly at Savar in 2000. Before heading for the Savar assembly, national networks and NGOs had come together in Kolkata to organise the National Health Assembly, which declared the major goals of the Indian people's health movement in the form of an Indian People's Health Charter.
What have the JSA's activities been? What do you see as its achievements? At the micro-level, in terms of specific programmes, and at the national level, in terms of policy, would you say that it is making a difference?
I feel the JSA's campaigns are definitely beginning to have an impact, both at the national and state levels. At the policy-level, our foremost concern is to address the healthcare issue from a rights perspective. In this we have got very crucial support from the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). The national-level public hearing ( jan sunwai ) on the right to healthcare, organised in Delhi in December 2004, clearly recognised our demand for the right to healthcare to be included in the chapter on fundamental rights of the Indian Constitution. The national public hearing, which was held following a series of regional public hearings in different parts of the country, also demanded the enactment of a Public Health Act by the central and state governments.
Several structural anomalies in the public healthcare system, exposed in the personal testimonies of those who participated in the jan sunwais , are also being followed up in various states, notably Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. We have also prepared a format to hold jan sunwais right down to the panchayat, taluka, district and state level, in all the states.
Close monitoring of the public healthcare system, with the active participation of the state human rights commissions, people's representatives, bureaucrats and public health activists, will make the system more responsive. For instance, in Karnataka, during the regional public hearing, we found that some three or four primary healthcare centres (PHCs) were located close to each other in one particular district, forcing people from other parts of the district to travel long distances to avail of their services. Some of the PHCs have since been relocated.
In Kerala also, we hope to start the state-level jan sunwai from June-July. The purpose of these public hearings is not to find fault but to rectify structural anomalies in the public healthcare system, such as lack of adequate medicines and other infrastructural facilities like blood banks and investigative facilities at government hospitals, which force people to turn to private sector hospitals.
In Kerala, the JSA took up the Patents (Amendment) Bill in a big way, initiating a debate, briefing MPs on the technical details, and collecting over 300,000 signatures. I can confidently say that the JSA played a small role in the Left parties' success in wresting major concessions from the government in the Patents (Amendment) Bill.
Though the JSA's ultimate goal is to see that TRIPS is taken out of the WTO, for the time being we have to accept the reality of product patents becoming the norm, instead of the earlier process patent. However, given the present political situation, the left parties have been able to wrest substantial gains from the government, including reducing the number of drugs to be patented, compulsory licensing and the exclusion of a clause preventing the export of cheap Indian drugs to other developing countries.
What are some of the JSA's future activities? What do you see as the big problems ahead?
The follow-up of public hearings will remain an important focus area.
The national working group of the JSA, which will meet in Kolkata in April, will examine the Rural Health Mission announced by the Government of India. Also in Kolkata on April 16-17, the JSA is organising a seminar on the Indian pharmaceutical industry. Apart from the patents rules, several other issues facing the industry, including the status of public sector companies and price control mechanisms, will be discussed.
Some of the other campaigns taken up by JSA constituents include those relating to children and gender issues, geriatric problems and the changing demographic profile, mental health, and HIV/AIDS.
Also, an appraisal of the General Agreement of Trade in Services, and its impact on health, education and other sectors and the public health impact of new technologies like biotechnology and reproductive technologies will be initiated shortly.
Which are the participating organisations in the JS The JSA is an example of collaboration between political organisations and NGOs, and even religious organisations, some of which have in the past been distrustful of each other. How did this collaboration come about?
Groups working on public health issues, ranging from the extreme left to those professing Gandhian ideology and faith-based organisations, have been in touch with each other for a number of years. They have discussed major issues at length with each other in an effort to arrive at some sort of clarity on them, if not consensus, on such organisational platforms like the Medico Friends Circle, All India Drug Action Network and National Campaign Committee on Drug Policy. Starting with 18 networks, the JSA has grown to an informal alliance of 21 networks. All these networks work in a decentralised manner, taking up issues jointly at the national level as well as individually at the local level.   
The People's Health Charter, adopted after the Kolkata meet, is a consensus document. Thus, there is some degree of unanimity, a common bandwidth, among the groups constituting the JSA. 
Also, there have been major changes in the world and the country in the past 10 years. In the face of imperialist globalisation and other threats facing the country, it is important for these groups to face these challenges unitedly. There are several factors binding these groups together. There is no time to quarrel. There are larger issues, stronger enemies that we have to fight together.
There has been consensus among the participating networks on the issues to be taken up. So far, there has been no problem. Some of the 21 groups that constitute the JSA include the Medico Friends Circle, Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti, All India Democratic Women's Association, All India People's Science Movement, Catholic Hospital Associations of India, Christian Medical Association of India, Voluntary Health Association of India, Ramakrishna Mission, Federation of Medical Representatives Association of India, Forum for Creche and Child Care Services, National Federation of Indian Women, Joint Wormen's Programme, All India Drug Action Network and National Alliance of People's Movement.
When it comes to health issues, there is no real categorisation of left or right groups.
What do you see as the strengths of such collaborations? What are the problems?
The biggest advantage of working in an informal manner is that each group is free to take up the issues that it considers important. There is complete decentralisation. Also, the issues to be taken up at the national policy level have been decided through consensus and there has been no difference of opinion so far on these.
There are, however, some disadvantages also in working in such an informal manner. There is no funding from anywhere for the JSA. There is no office also. Thus, some of our efforts do take more time to get off the ground.
Kerala was once seen as an ideal healthcare system, with an extensive network of government health services and high health indicators. Have there been any changes in healthcare access in Kerala since 1991? What has been the effect of neo-liberal policies at the national level? There are studies, including those by the KSSP, indicating that healthcare costs have shot up in Kerala, with the private sector playing a greater role than before. What has led to this situation?
It is true that there has been a definite decline in the Kerala public healthcare system. However, I trace the decline not to 1991 but prior to that, to the early-1980s. The chief cause for this has been a lowering of political commitment to healthcare issues. There has been no proper planning at the policy level. Even where funds are available in the government sector, there is no proper utilisation. The government is spending more money on building super-specialty hospitals than concentrating on the primary and secondary health tiers.
A study done by the KSSP as early as 1986 indicated that the public healthcare system in Kerala was on the decline. Disturbing trends had surfaced, mainly on account of the neglect of the primary and secondary healthcare sectors. New infectious diseases like Japanese encephalitis, leptospirosis and dengue fever have surfaced, and malaria has returned. Rising consumerism, resulting in changes in food habits, has also led to an increase in lifestyle-related diseases such as diabetes and hypertension.
The changing demographic profile, with an increasingly ageing population, has given rise to another set of geriatric health issues. Studies show that the suicide rate in Kerala is three times the national average. This indicates the weak mental make-up of the people, unable to cope with stress and other social problems. 
The KSSP study also highlighted that a majority of the population was turning to private sector hospitals for treatment. Even among the poorest, nearly 40% relied on the private sector, which, in Kerala's case, is totally unregulated. Lack of investigative facilities and drugs also forces those going to government hospitals for treatment to turn to the private sector for these services.
Another study, taking the 1986-1996 sample period, showed that people's healthcare expenditure had gone up by five times.
As for the impact of the neo-liberal policies of 1991, I think that they have had only a minimal impact on the total health scenario so far. The major issues are the result of internal factors. It is convenient to externalise the enemy and to blame globalisation or liberalisation. The fact of the matter is that there are glaring deficiencies in the system itself, which are not being addressed. To blame liberalisation for all our woes is a cliché now. It is actually lack of political commitment that has largely brought about a
decline in the public healthcare system in Kerala. However, in the near future, because of changes in the Patent Act in India drug prices are likely to increase. This will affect the people of Kerala more than those in other states because more than 90% of people in Kerala access modern medical treatment. Also, the introduction of user fees at public hospitals as part of the liberalisation agenda will definitely lead to the internal privatisation of public health institutions.
The difference that political will can make to the system is made evident by the major policy initiative introduced by the Left Front government in Kerala in 1996, under the People's Campaign for Decentralisation. Under this, 35% of the plan budget was allocated to local bodies for all their activities. Of this, 40% could be used for social services sectors like health and education.
This led to a dramatic improvement in the facilities available at some PHCs and taluka hospitals. Surveys showed an especially excellent improvement in some of the more backward districts like Malappuram, Idukki and Wayanad, where the incidence of infectious diseases could be controlled. In a few places, private hospitals had to be closed down as people found government sector facilities to be on a par with them.     
According to a rough estimate, one could say that nearly 40% of panchayats are performing well in service delivery, following the people's decentralisation campaign. However, with the coming of the UDF government four years ago, the tempo has again slowed down. Funds have not been released on time. New rules have been put in place to curtail the transfer of funds to local bodies. The Planning Board, which was playing an active role in the decentralisation campaign, has been distanced from the process.
The UDF government has also allowed self-financing medical colleges to come up. Students who pay Rs 25,00,000-30,00,000 to get into private colleges are hardly bothered about ethical issues or the doctor-patient relationship. They see medicine only as a source of making money.
However, all hope is not lost. The decentralisation process has been set in motion and it cannot be dismantled. A change of government in the state could revive the stalled process.

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