'You can't blame liberalization for all our woes'

'You can't blame liberalization for all our woes'

It's convenient to externalise the enemy, says national convenor of the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan, B Ekbal, but it's the lack of political commitment and glaring deficiencies in the system that are really responsible for the mess the public health sector is in. In this interview, Dr Ekbal discusses the JSA campaign and the decline in Kerala's model healthcare system Fresh from the partial victory scored by the Left Front parties over the controversial Patents (Amendment) Bill, against which the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan (JSA) lobbied extensively with MPs and health policymakers, JSA national convenor B Ekbal, however, asserts that the "battle is far from over" and adds that close monitoring will be essential to safeguard the hard-won concessions. An informal alliance of 21 networks working on public health-related issues in different parts of the country, the JSA was formed as a follow-up to the first People's Health Assembly in Savar, Bangladesh, in December 2000 and the National People's Health Assembly held in Kolkata prior to that. The Savar conclave witnessed the coming together of thousands of civil society organisations and people's movements from various countries, to draw up an action plan to pressure governments around the globe to implement the 1970 Alma Ata pledge of 'Health for All by 2000'. Talking to InfoChange Agenda , Dr Ekbal details the campaigns taken up by the JSA, during the past four years, at the national, state and grassroots level to further the alliance's goals. He also talks of the decline in the healthcare system in his native Kerala, once lauded as a model for public healthcare systems in the country. How did a neurosurgeon like you get involved in public health and access to healthcare? How did you get involved with the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan? After finishing my medical studies in 1970 I got actively involved with the Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP), which was taking up health-related issues apart from other social concerns relating to education, the environment, etc. I was also closely interacting with the Medico Friends Circle (MFC), which had then taken up a nationwide campaign against the selling of banned drugs in India . So, my interest in public health issues goes back some 25-30 years. As an activist of the People's Science Movement, I also got the opportunity to interact with several national and international organisations working on issues of right to healthcare. The Jan Swasthya Abhiyan was founded in India as part of the Global People's Health Movement, following the first People's Health Assembly at Savar in 2000. Before heading for the Savar assembly, national networks and NGOs had come together in Kolkata to organise the National Health Assembly, which declared the major goals of the Indian people's health movement in the form of an Indian People's Health Charter. What have the JSA's activities been? What do you see as its achievements? At the micro-level, in terms of specific programmes, and at the national level, in terms of policy, would you say that it is making a difference? I feel the JSA's campaigns are definitely beginning to have an impact, both at the national and state levels. At the policy-level, our foremost concern is to address the healthcare issue from a rights perspective. In this we have got very crucial support from the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). The national-level public hearing ( jan sunwai ) on the right to healthcare, organised in Delhi in December 2004, clearly recognised our demand for the right to healthcare to be included in the chapter on fundamental rights of the Indian Constitution. The national public hearing, which was held following a series of regional public hearings in different parts of the country, also demanded the enactment of a Public Health Act by the central and state governments. Several structural anomalies in the public healthcare system, exposed in the personal testimonies of those who participated in the jan sunwais , are also being followed up in various states, notably Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. We have also prepared a format to hold jan sunwais right down to the panchayat, taluka, district and state level, in all the states. Close monitoring of the public healthcare system, with the active participation of the state human rights commissions, people's representatives, bureaucrats and public health activists, will make the system more responsive. For instance, in Karnataka, during the regional public hearing, we found that some three or four primary healthcare centres (PHCs) were located close to each other in one particular district, forcing people from other parts of the district to travel long distances to avail of their services. Some of the PHCs have since been relocated. In Kerala also, we hope to start the state-level jan sunwai from June-July. The purpose of these public hearings is not to find fault but to rectify structural anomalies in the public healthcare system, such as lack of adequate medicines and other infrastructural facilities like blood banks and investigative facilities at government hospitals, which force people to turn to private sector hospitals. In Kerala, the JSA took up the Patents (Amendment) Bill in a big way, initiating a debate, briefing MPs on the technical details, and collecting over 300,000 signatures. I can confidently say that the JSA played a small role in the Left parties' success in wresting major concessions from the government in the Patents (Amendment) Bill. Though the JSA's ultimate goal is to see that TRIPS is taken out of the WTO, for the time being we have to accept the reality of product patents becoming the norm, instead of the earlier process patent. However, given the present political situation, the left parties have been able to wrest substantial gains from the government, including reducing the number of drugs to be patented, compulsory licensing and the exclusion of a clause preventing the export of cheap Indian drugs to other developing countries. What are some of the JSA's future activities? What do you see as the big problems ahead? The follow-up of public hearings will remain an important focus area. The national working group of the JSA, which will meet in Kolkata in April, will examine the Rural Health Mission announced by the Government of India. Also in Kolkata on April 16-17, the JSA is organising a seminar on the Indian pharmaceutical industry. Apart from the patents rules, several other issues facing the industry, including the status of public sector companies and price control mechanisms, will be discussed. Some of the other campaigns taken up by JSA constituents include those relating to children and gender issues, geriatric problems and the changing demographic profile, mental health, and HIV/AIDS. Also, an appraisal of the General Agreement of Trade in Services, and its impact on health, education and other sectors and the public health impact of new technologies like biotechnology and reproductive technologies will be initiated shortly. Which are the participating organisations in the JS The JSA is an example of collaboration between political organisations and NGOs, and even religious organisations, some of which have in the past been distrustful of each other. How did this collaboration come about? Groups working on public health issues, ranging from the extreme left to those professing Gandhian ideology and faith-based organisations, have been in touch with each other for a number of years. They have discussed major issues at length with each other in an effort to arrive at some sort of clarity on them, if not consensus, on such organisational platforms like the Medico Friends Circle, All India Drug Action Network and National Campaign Committee on Drug Policy. Starting with 18 networks, the JSA has grown to an informal alliance of 21 networks. All these networks work in a decentralised manner, taking up issues jointly at the national level as well as individually at the local level.    The People's Health Charter, adopted after the Kolkata meet, is a consensus document. Thus, there is some degree of unanimity, a common bandwidth, among the groups constituting the JSA.  Also, there have been major changes in the world and the country in the past 10 years. In the face of imperialist globalisation and other threats facing the country, it is important for these groups to face these challenges unitedly. There are several factors binding these groups together. There is no time to quarrel. There are larger issues, stronger enemies that we have to fight together. There has been consensus among the participating networks on the issues to be taken up. So far, there has been no problem. Some of the 21 groups that constitute the JSA include the Medico Friends Circle, Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti, All India Democratic Women's Association, All India People's Science Movement, Catholic Hospital Associations of India, Christian Medical Association of India, Voluntary Health Association of India, Ramakrishna Mission, Federation of Medical Representatives Association of India, Forum for Creche and Child Care Services, National Federation of Indian Women, Joint Wormen's Programme, All India Drug Action Network and National Alliance of People's Movement. When it comes to health issues, there is no real categorisation of left or right groups. What do you see as the strengths of such collaborations? What are the problems? The biggest advantage of working in an informal manner is that each group is free to take up the issues that it considers important. There is complete decentralisation. Also, the issues to be taken up at the national policy level have been decided through consensus and there has been no difference of opinion so far on these. There are, however, some disadvantages also in working in such an informal manner. There is no funding from anywhere for the JSA. There is no office also. Thus, some of our efforts do take more time to get off the ground. Kerala was once seen as an ideal healthcare system, with an extensive network of government health services and high health indicators. Have there been any changes in healthcare access in Kerala since 1991? What has been the effect of neo-liberal policies at the national level? There are studies, including those by the KSSP, indicating that healthcare costs have shot up in Kerala, with the private sector playing a greater role than before. What has led to this situation? It is true that there has been a definite decline in the Kerala public healthcare system. However, I trace the decline not to 1991 but prior to that, to the early-1980s. The chief cause for this has been a lowering of political commitment to healthcare issues. There has been no proper planning at the policy level. Even where funds are available in the government sector, there is no proper utilisation. The government is spending more money on building super-specialty hospitals than concentrating on the primary and secondary health tiers. A study done by the KSSP as early as 1986 indicated that the public healthcare system in Kerala was on the decline. Disturbing trends had surfaced, mainly on account of the neglect of the primary and secondary healthcare sectors. New infectious diseases like Japanese encephalitis, leptospirosis and dengue fever have surfaced, and malaria has returned. Rising consumerism, resulting in changes in food habits, has also led to an increase in lifestyle-related diseases such as diabetes and hypertension. The changing demographic profile, with an increasingly ageing population, has given rise to another set of geriatric health issues. Studies show that the suicide rate in Kerala is three times the national average. This indicates the weak mental make-up of the people, unable to cope with stress and other social problems.  The KSSP study also highlighted that a majority of the population was turning to private sector hospitals for treatment. Even among the poorest, nearly 40% relied on the private sector, which, in Kerala's case, is totally unregulated. Lack of investigative facilities and drugs also forces those going to government hospitals for treatment to turn to the private sector for these services. Another study, taking the 1986-1996 sample period, showed that people's healthcare expenditure had gone up by five times. As for the impact of the neo-liberal policies of 1991, I think that they have had only a minimal impact on the total health scenario so far. The major issues are the result of internal factors. It is convenient to externalise the enemy and to blame globalisation or liberalisation. The fact of the matter is that there are glaring deficiencies in the system itself, which are not being addressed. To blame liberalisation for all our woes is a cliché now. It is actually lack of political commitment that has largely brought about a decline in the public healthcare system in Kerala. However, in the near future, because of changes in the Patent Act in India drug prices are likely to increase. This will affect the people of Kerala more than those in other states because more than 90% of people in Kerala access modern medical treatment. Also, the introduction of user fees at public hospitals as part of the liberalisation agenda will definitely lead to the internal privatisation of public health institutions. The difference that political will can make to the system is made evident by the major policy initiative introduced by the Left Front government in Kerala in 1996, under the People's Campaign for Decentralisation. Under this, 35% of the plan budget was allocated to local bodies for all their activities. Of this, 40% could be used for social services sectors like health and education. This led to a dramatic improvement in the facilities available at some PHCs and taluka hospitals. Surveys showed an especially excellent improvement in some of the more backward districts like Malappuram, Idukki and Wayanad, where the incidence of infectious diseases could be controlled. In a few places, private hospitals had to be closed down as people found government sector facilities to be on a par with them.      According to a rough estimate, one could say that nearly 40% of panchayats are performing well in service delivery, following the people's decentralisation campaign. However, with the coming of the UDF government four years ago, the tempo has again slowed down. Funds have not been released on time. New rules have been put in place to curtail the transfer of funds to local bodies. The Planning Board, which was playing an active role in the decentralisation campaign, has been distanced from the process. The UDF government has also allowed self-financing medical colleges to come up. Students who pay Rs 25,00,000-30,00,000 to get into private colleges are hardly bothered about ethical issues or the doctor-patient relationship. They see medicine only as a source of making money. However, all hope is not lost. The decentralisation process has been set in motion and it cannot be dismantled. A change of government in the state could revive the stalled process.

Current Affairs: ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF INDIAN MUSIC

Current Affairs: ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF INDIAN MUSIC: "ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF INDIAN MUSIC Indian music has a very long, unbroken tradition and is an accumulated heritage of centuries. It is be..."

ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF INDIAN MUSIC

ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF INDIAN MUSIC

 Indian music has a very long, unbroken tradition and is an accumulated heritage of centuries. It is believed that the sage Narada introduced the art of music to the Earth. The origin can be traced back to Vedic days, nearly two thousand years ago. It is said that the sound that pervades the whole universe, i.e. Nadabrahma, itself represents the divinity. Organised Indian music owes its origin to the Samaveda.  The Veda has all the seven notes of the raga karaharpriya in the descending order.  The earliest Raga is speculated to be 'Sama Raga'. Theories and treatises began to be written about how the primitive sound 'Om' gave rise to the various notes. The first reference to music was made by Panini (500 BC) and the first reference to musical theory is found in Rikpratisakhya (400 BC). Bharata's Natya Sastra (4th Century AD) contains several chapters on music. This is probably the first work that clearly elaborated the octave and divided it into 22 keys. The next major work on music was Dathilam, which also endorses the existence of the 22 sruti per octave and even goes to suggest that these 22 srutis are the only ones a human body could make. This view was expressed again by another musicologist of the 13th century AD Saranga Deva in his famous work Sangeeta Ratnakara. Saranga Deva, among other things, defined almost 264 Ragas, including some Dravidian and North Indian ones. He also described the various 'kinds' of 'microtones' and also classified them into different categories. Of the other important works on Indian music, mention may be made of Brihaddesi (9 AD) written by Matanga, which attempts to define the word 'Raga', Sangeeta Makaranda (11th century AD) written by Narada, which enumerates 93 Ragas and classifies them into masculine and feminine species, Swaramela-kalanidhi of Ramamatya (16 AD) and Chaturdandi-prakssika of Venkatamakhi (17 AD).

 It took a long time for music to come to its present-day form. In the beginning music was devotional in content and was purely used for ritualistic purposes and was restricted to temples. During the late Vedic period (3000-1200 BC), a form of music called Samgana was prevalent which involved chanting of the verses set to musical patterns.  Various forms of music like Jatigan were evolved to narrate the epics. Between 2-7 AD a form of music called Prabandh Sangeet, which was written in Sanskrit, became very popular. This form gave way to a simpler form called dhruvapad, which used Hindi as the medium. The Gupta Period is considered as the golden era in the development of Indian music.  All the music treatises like Natya Shastra and Brihaddeshi were written during this period.

 One of the strongest and most significant influences on Indian music has perhaps been that of Persian music, which brought in a changed perspective in the style of Northern Indian music. In the 15th century AD, as a result of the patronage given to the classical music by the rulers, the devotional dhruvapad transformed into the dhrupad form of singing. The khayal developed as a new form of singing in the 18th century AD. The Indian classical music, thus, developed from the ritualistic music in association with folk music and other musical expressions of India's extended neighbourhood, developing into its own characteristic art. It is then that the two schools of music resulted, the Hindustani (North Indian music) and the Carnatic (South Indian music). Historical roots of both Hindustani and Carnatic classical music traditions stem from Bharata's Natyashastra. The two traditions started to diverge only around 14th Century AD. Carnatic music is kriti based and saahitya (lyric) oriented, while Hindustani music emphasises on the musical structure and the possibilities of improvisation in it. Hindustani music adopted a scale of Shudha Swara saptaka (octave of natural notes) while Carnatic music retained the traditional octave.  Both systems have shown great assimilative power, constantly absorbing folk tunes and regional tilts and elevating many of them to the status of ragas. These systems have also mutually influenced each other.

STYLES OF INDIAN MUSIC

 RAGAS & TALAS

 In the Indian Classical Music, Raga is the basis of melody and Tala is the basis of rhythm. Each melodic structure of Raga has something akin to a distinct personality subject and to a prevailing mood.

Ragas involve several important elements.  The first element is sound -- metaphysical and physical, which is referred to as nada. Nada is the manifestation of the first of the five elements of creation--the element of space. There are two types of nada, anahata nada or un-struck sound and ahata nada or struck sound. The next element of raga is pitch, relegated into swara (whole and half tones), and sruti (microtones). Raga also involves the production of emotional effects in the performer and listener, which are known as rasa. The aim of raga is to elicit emotional and psychological responses from the listener. The production of these specific responses can be understood by exploring the concept of rasa. Rasa has been referred to as "aesthetic delight" and is free from the limitations of personal feelings. There are nine rasas: Love (Shringar), Humour (Hasya), Pathos (Karuna), Anger (Rudra), Heroism (Vir), Terror (Bhayanaka), Disgust (Veebhatsa) and Wonder (Abdhuta).

Raga is the basis of classical music. Raga is neither a scale, nor a mode. It is based on the principle of a combination of notes selected out the 22 note intervals of the octave. There are 72 'melas', or parent scales, on which Ragas are based. Raga has its own principal mood such as tranquility, devotion, eroticism, loneliness, pathos and heroism.  Each Raga is associated, according to its mood, with a particular time of the day, night or a season. A performer with sufficient training and knowledge alone can create the desired emotions, through the combination of shrutis and notes. Every Raga is derived from some Thaat or Scale.  Improvisation is an essential feature of Indian music, depending upon the imagination and the creativity of an artist. A great artist can communicate and instill in his listener the mood of the Raga.

Ragas are placed in three categories: (a) Odava or pentatonic, a composition of five notes, (b) Shadava or hexatonic, a composition of six notes and (c) Sampoorna or heptatonic, a composition of seven notes,

Every Raga must have at least five notes, starting at Sa, one principal note, a second important note and a few helping notes. The principal note, "King" is the note on which the raga is built. It is emphasized in various ways, such as stopping for some time on the note, or stressing it. The second important note or the "Queen" corresponds to the "King" as the fourth or fifth note in relation to it. The ascent and descent of the notes in every raga is very important. Some ragas in the same scale differ in ascent and descent. The speed of a raga is divided into three parts: Vilambit (slow), Madhya (Medium) and Drut (fast).

Another aspect of the ragas is the appropriate distribution in time during the 24 hours of the day for its performance, i.e. the time of the day denotes the type of the raga to be sung. Based on this, the ragas are divided into four types: Sandi-prakash ragas or twilight ragas, Midday and Midnight ragas, Ragas for the first quarter of the morning and night and Ragas for the last quarter of the day and night. All the ragas are divided into two broad groups -- Poor Ragas and Uttar Ragas. The Poor Ragas are sung between 12 noon and 12 midnight. The Uttar Ragas are sung between 12 midnight and 12 Noon. The Santa Makananda mentions "one who sings knowing the proper time remains happy. By singing ragas at the wrong time one ill-treats them. Listening to them, one becomes impoverished and sees the length of one's life reduced."

Another division of ragas is the classification of ragas under six principal ragas -- Hindol, Deepak, Megh, Shree and Maulkauns. Other ragas are derived from these six ragas. The first derivatives of the ragas are called raginis, and each of the six ragas has five raginis under them. All the ragas are supposed to have been derived from their thaats. Every raga has a fixed number of komal (soft) or teevra (sharp) notes from which the thaat can be recognized.

Ragas in the Carnatic music fall into two categories, the base or melakarta ragas and the derived or janya ragas. The 16 swaras form the basis for the melakarta scheme. Melakarta ragas have a formal structure and follow a fairly rigid scheme of scientific organization whereas the janya ragas are rooted in usage and are liable to evolve with the music. In fact many janya ragas change their character over time. Janya ragas are derived from the melakarta ragas through various means. The simplest way to generate a janya raga is to leave out one or more of the swaras in the arohanam and/or avarohanam. Contemporary Carnatic music is based on a system of 72 melakarta ragas. These 'creator' ragas are also called janaka ragas and thai (mother) ragas. The current system can be traced to the works of Venkatamakhi (17th century AD) who appears to be the first to use the 72 melakartas. Earlier works generally contain fewer melakartas and most have flaws in their organisation. At that time, many of Venkatamakhi's melakartas were unknown and were not assigned names. Later, all 72 were given names and this system is sometimes referred to as the Kanakaambari - Phenadhyuthi system after the names of the first two melakartas in it. Muthuswamy Dikshithar's compositions are generally based on the raga names and lakshanams (definitions) in this system while Thyagaraja used a later scheme devised by Govindacharya in the late 18th century. There is an important feature to the ragas in Carnatic music, namely the appropriate gamakams (microtones) associated with many ragas. Gamakams are of ten types and their mastery is a must for effective portrayal of certain ragas.

Hindustani Ragas              Carnatic Ragas

Adbuth Kalyan                  Niroshta

Amir                                      AmirKalyani

Asavari                                 Nata Bhairavi

Bhairav                                 Mayamalavagowla

Bhairavi                                Hanuman Todi

Bhairavi                                Sindhu Bhairavi

Bhoop                                   Mohanam

Bhoopali                              Mohanam

Bhoop Kalyani                   Mohana Kalyani

Bilawal                                  Dheera Sankarabharanam

Champakali                         Ketakapriya

Chaya                                    Begada Sarang

Durga                                    ShuddaSaveri

Hanskalyani                        Hamsadhwani

Hindol                                   Sunada Vinodini

Jayith Kalyan                      Mohanam

Joghiya                                 Malahari

Jogh                                       Bahudari

Kafi                                        Kharaharapriya

Kalyani                                  Mecha Kalyani

Kedar                                    Saranga

Khamaj                                 Hari Kambhoj

Malkauns                            Hindolam

Marwa                                  Gamanasrama

Pilu                                         Kapi

Purvi                                      Kamavardhini

Rageshwari                         NattaiKurinji

Sri Kalyani                            Saraswati

Todi                                       Subha Pantuvarali

Vasant                                  Vasanta

Yaman Kalyan                    Yamuna Kalyani

                                            

Tala: Tala is the rhythmical groupings of beats. These rhythmic cycles range from 3 to 108 beats. It is the theory of time measure and has the same principle in Hindustani and Carnatic music, though the names and styles differ. The musical time is divided into simple and complicated metres. Tala is independent of the music it accompanies and has its own divisions. It moves in bars, and each beat in it is divided into the smallest fraction. Tala is the most important aspect of classical music, and it can be considered to be the very basis or pulse of music. Different talas are recognised like Dadra, Rupak,  Jhaptal, Ektal, Adha-Chautal and Teen-Tal. There are over a 100 Talas, but only 30 Talas are known and only about 10-12 talas are actually used. The most commonly encountered one is the one with sixteen beats called the teentaal. The Laya is the tempo, which keeps the uniformity of time span. The Matra is the smallest unit of the tala.

Carnatic music has a rigid thala structure. The thalas are defined on the basis of intricate arithmetic calculations. Thalas always occur in cyclic pattern. The thalas are made up of three basic units, namely, laghu, drutam and anu drutam. The time unit of laghu varies according to the "jaati". Depending on the jaati of laghu we get 35 thalas. It is again possible to split each time unit or beat into five "ghatis". This leads to 35x5 = 175 thalas in Carnatic music. The most common thala is the Adi (first, foremost) thala, which consists of a repeating measure of 8 beats. Thalas are also associated with moods just like the ragas. The popular mapping from the thalas (gatis) to the moods is chatusram - devotional and happy times; tisram - festivity; khandam - anger or frustration; misram - romantic and joyous, and sangeernam - confusion.

Alap: Alap is the first movement of the Raga. It is a slow, serene movement acting as an invocation and it gradually develops the Raga.

Jor: Jor begins with the added element of rhythm which, combining with the weaving of innumerable melodic patterns, gradually grains in tempo and brings the raga to the final movement.

Jhala: Jhala is the final movement and climax. It is played with a very fast action of the plectrum that is worn on the right index finger.

Gat: It is the fixed composition. A gat can be in any tala and can be spread over from 2 to 16 of its rhythmic cycles in any tempo, slow, medium or fast. A gat, whether vocal or instrumental, has generally two sections. The first part is called "pallavi" (Carnatic) or "asthayi" (Hindustani) which opens the composition and is generally confined to the lower and middle octaves. The following part of the composition is called the "anupallavi" (or antara) which usually extends from the middle to upper octaves. In Carnatic music further melodic sections called "charana" follows the "anupallavi."

 HINDUSTANI MUSIC

 In Hindustani music, there are 10 main forms of styles of singing and compositions: Dhrupad, Dhamar, Hori, Khayal, Tappa, Chaturang, Ragasagar, Tarana, Sargam and Thumri. Nowadays Ghazals have become very popular as the 'light classical' form of music.

Drug abuse among youths...........!!

The Youth-"This world demands the qualities of youth: not a time of life but a state of mind, a temper of the will, a quality of imagination, a predominance of courage over timidity, of the appetite for adventure over the life of ease.".This is the Youth that is wild and fascinating..well ,at the same time youth and drugs abuse has become synonimous to each other .OK..!But a question arise in our mind that what is drug abuse?Drug abuse, also called substance abuse or chemical abuse, is a disorder that is characterized by a destructive pattern of using a substance that leads to significant problems or distress. It affects more than 7% of people at some point in their lives.mostly youth are engaged with this disorder..

400 billion US dollar trade in the world is involved in drug that is illegal trade of the drug.Ironically, it is bigger than trade of drug.In the world 185 billion are identified as being involved in drug abuses.

Some fact files about drug abuse::

The vienna conference march 2001 identified two global trend of drug abuse -

1)Average exposure age is going down(through gateway drugs)

2)Growth rate of drug abuse in rural woman having higher pace than male counter parts

Various substances are classified as drug abuse are as follow:

a)Alcohol (common substances use in social activities)

b)sedative(it affects at central nervous system)example: Rophynol(commonly known as roofies)it is also known as date rape drugs.

c)Stimulate(affects central nervous system)example: Caffein(present in coffee)

d)Narcotics(dipresentence central nervous system) user loose connection with surroundings example: opium,

hallucinogens(prouduces fall reality,ex:Bhang),Lysergic acid diethylamide

e)Nicotene(basically it is for fighting boredom)

Three level of drugs dependence:

1)peer group dependence

2)pshycological dependence

3)physical dependence

India position inbetween Golden crecent And Golden Traingle (Golden traingle includes-myanmar,thailand,laos,Golden crecent includes-Iran pakistan,Afghanistan) makes India extremely vulnerable to the increased drug abuse.As from these areas drugs are easly available.

Drug abuses in Sports:

To makes sports free from drug abuse

1) In 1999 Wold anti doping agency(WADA) was setup at Laussane ,switzerland.It works with international olympic committee(IOC) to free the sports from drug.

2)UNESCO intervention convention on Drug abuse in sports 2007 invited doping against sports.It made mandatory participation of other sport federation on the norms of WADA.It calls for continuous monitoring of sports persons and particularly those practices that are manipulating.

Blood doping is new taste of drug abusing.!!

Blood Doping: it is the process of changing of blood patlates because new blood patlates improve the body efficiency.

Indian contribution towards drug abuse:

-Article 21 and Article 47 give checks on drug abuse and intoxticating drinks.

-NDPS(narcotic drugs and pshycotropic substance )Act 1985

-In 1988 it was converted into prevention of illicit traffic act1988 to check the illegal trade of drugs.

-iN 2001 NDPS amendment act was passed which has exclusive provisions of quantative base punishment.

-India is signatory to UN convention on narcotic drugs 1961 and also signatory of

UN convention on pshycotropic drug subtance 1971.

-UN conviction against illicit traffic on Narcotic drugs and pshycotropic substances 1988

-Transitional crime convention 2000.

Touching upon different aspects of drugs UNDCP (United nation drug control programme)-it is the nodal agency controling the abuse of drugs. It also control UNIC(united nation infrastructutre centre).

NBC:(Narcotic controle bureau )

Hq;new delhi

for the information networkin on the drug domestically.NCB is the regulating agency in India.In 2010 DAIRRC (drug abuse information rehabilition research centre,new delhi) was setup.Which initiated HOPE(health oriented prevention education)it is an effort of checking the relationship of drug and HIV infection.

changes in pil since inception

2. PIL has undergone several changes since its inception in 1980s
PIL is one of the important innovations of indian judicial system. Justice bhagwati is considered as the father of PIL. PIL was initially meant to serve those who couldn’t get access to justice. PIL allowed a person or organisation to demand for justice for a certain section of public even if the person/organisation had no locus standi
Over a period of time, PIL has become an important tool for judicial activism. Innovation have enlarged the scope and impact of PIL. PILs have strengthened social movement. It has become an effective instrument for
a) Fighting corruption and
b) To move the files in government offices
However there is a need for the court to maintain restraint while dealing with PILs. The recent instances of court giving directions to executive and legislature on basis of PIL are uncalled for. Such actions amount to violation of the checks and balances provided in our constitution. This may lead to judicial adventurism and may further lead to judicial dictatorship.

Public Interest Litigation

Public Interest Litigation

Social Change and Public Interest Litigation in India
Social change is the necessity of any society. In India it is done through Public Interest Litigation. In this article an attempt was made to assess the impact of PIL over Indian Society. The jurisprudence of PIL is necessary to understand the nature of PIL in India.

Such is the disillusionment with the state formal legal system that it is no longer demanded by law to do justice, if justice perchance is done, we congratulate ourselves for being fortunate. In these circumstances one of the best things that have happened in the country in recent years is the process of social reform through Public Interest Litigation or Social Action Litigation.

Late 1970s marked discernible shift from legal centralism. Legal pluralism was very apparent now. It was realized that social conduct was regulated by the interaction of normative orders, notion of popular justice, community justice, and distributive justice were sought to be institutionalised, though outside the sphere of the formal legal system and in opposition to it.

Necessity of informal justice
Necessity of informal justice, whether as an alternative to state law or as to its agent to find its identity in opposition to state law stems from the nature of Anglo-Saxon law prescribing legal formalism and due to the failure of formal legal system to deliver justice that forced informal justice to take on a separate identity from state law.
The British rule bequeathed to India a colonial legal heritage. The Anglo-Saxon model of adjudication insisted upon observance of procedural technicalities such as locus standi and adherence to adversarial system of litigation. The result was that the courts were accessible only to the rich and the influential people. The marginalized and disadvantaged groups continued to be exploited and denied basic human rights.

Public Interest Litigation as exists today
PIL today offers such a paradigm which locates the content of informal justice without the formal legal system. Non Anglo-Saxon jurisdiction directs courts to transcend the traditional judicial function of adjudication and provide remedies for social wrongs. PIL had already molded the state in to the instrument of socio-economic change. Social justice is the byproduct of this transcends from the formal legal system.

Evolution of Public Interest Litigation
The Indian PIL is the improved version of PIL of U.S.A. According to “Ford Foundation” of U.S.A., “Public interest law is the name that has recently been given to efforts that provide legal representation to previously unrepresented groups and interests. Such efforts have been undertaken in the recognition that ordinary marketplace for legal services fails to provide such services to significant segments of the population and to significant interests. Such groups and interests include the proper environmentalists, consumers, racial and ethnic minorities and others”. The emergency period (1975-1977) witnessed colonial nature of the Indian legal system. During emergency state repression and governmental lawlessness was widespread. Thousands of innocent people including political opponents were sent to jails and there was complete deprivation of civil and political rights. The post emergency period provided an occasion for the judges of the Supreme Court to openly disregard the impediments of Anglo-Saxon procedure in providing access to justice to the poor. Notably two justices of the Supreme Court, Justice V. R. Krishna Iyer and P. N. Bhagwati recognised the possibility of providing access to justice to the poor and the exploited people by relaxing the rules of standing. In the post-emergency period when the political situations had changed, investigative journalism also began to expose gory scenes of governmental lawlessness, repression, custodial violence, drawing attention of lawyers, judges, and social activists. PIL emerged as a result of an informal nexus of pro-active judges, media persons and social activists. This trend shows starke difference between the traditional justice delivery system and the modern informal justice system where the judiciary is performing administrative judicial role. PIL is necessary rejection of laissez faire notions of traditional jurisprudence.

The first reported case of PIL in 1979 focused on the inhuman conditions of prisons and under trial prisoners. In Hussainara Khatoon v. State of Bihar, AIR 1979 SC 1360, the PIL was filed by an advocate on the basis of the news item published in the Indian Express, highlighting the plight of thousands of undertrial prisoners languishing in various jails in Bihar. These proceeding led to the release of more than 40, 000 undertrial prisoners. Right to speedy justice emerged as a basic fundamental right which had been denied to these prisoners. The same set pattern was adopted in subsequent cases.

In 1981 the case of Anil Yadav v. State of Bihar, AIR 1982 SC 1008, exposed the brutalities of the Police. News paper report revealed that about 33 suspected criminals were blinded by the police in Bihar by putting the acid into their eyes. Through interim orders S. C. directed the State government to bring the blinded men to Delhi for medical treatment. It also ordered speedy prosecution of the guilty policemen. The court also read right to free legal aid as a fundamental right of every accused. Anil Yadav signalled the growth of social activism and investigative litigation.
In (Citizen for Democracy v. State of Assam, (1995) 3SCC 743), the S. C. declared that the handcuffs and other fetters shall not be forced upon a prisoner while lodged in jail or while in transport or transit from one jail to another or to the court or back.

Concept of PILAccording to the jurisprudence of Article 32 of the Constitution of India, “The right to move the Supreme Court by appropriate proceedings for the enforcement of the rights conferred by this part is guaranteed”. Ordinarily, only the aggrieved party has the right to seek redress under Article 32.
In 1981 Justice P. N. Bhagwati in .S. P. Gupta v. Union of India, 1981 (Supp) SCC 87, articulated the concept of PIL as follows, “Where a legal wrong or a legal injury is caused to a person or to a determinate class of persons by reason of violation of any constitutional or legal right or any burden is imposed in contravention of any constitutional or legal provision or without authority of law or any such legal wrong or legal injury or illegal burden is threatened and such person or determinate class of persons by reasons of poverty, helplessness or disability or socially or economically disadvantaged position unable to approach the court for relief, any member of public can maintain an application for an appropriate direction, order or writ in the High Court under Article 226 and in case any breach of fundamental rights of such persons or determinate class of persons, in this court under Article 32 seeking judicial redress for the legal wrong or legal injury caused to such person or determinate class of persons.”

The rule of locus standi have been relaxed and a person acting bonafide and having sufficient interest in the proceeding of Public Interest Litigation will alone have a locus standi and can approach the court to wipe out violation of fundamental rights and genuine infraction of statutory provisions, but not for personal gain or private profit or political motive or any oblique consideration (Ashok Kumar Pandey v. State of W. B., (2004) 3 SCC 349).

Supreme Court in Indian Banks’ Association, Bombay and ors v. M/s Devkala Consultancy Service and Ors., J. T. 2004 (4) SC 587, held that “In an appropriate case, where the petitioner might have moved a court in her private interest and for redressal of the personal grievance, the court in furtherance of Public Interest may treat it a necessity to enquire into the state of affairs of the subject of litigation in the interest of justice. Thus a private interest case can also be treated as public interest case”.

In Guruvayur Devaswom Managing Commit. And Anr. Vs. C.K. Rajan and Ors, J.T. 2003 (7) S.C. 312, S.C. held, “The Courts exercising their power of judicial review found to its dismay that the poorest of the poor, depraved, the illiterate, the urban and rural unorganized labour sector, women, children, handicapped by 'ignorance, indigence and illiteracy' and other down trodden have either no access to justice or had been denied justice. A new branch of proceedings known as 'Social Interest Litigation' or 'Public Interest Litigation' was evolved with a view to render complete justice to the aforementioned classes of persona. It expanded its wings in course of time. The Courts in pro bono publico granted relief to the inmates of the prisons, provided legal aid, directed speedy trial, maintenance of human dignity and covered several other areas. Representative actions, pro bono publico and test litigations were entertained in keeping with the current accent on justice to the common man and a necessary disincentive to those who wish to by pass the, real issues on the merits by suspect reliance on peripheral procedural shortcomings… Pro bono publico constituted a significant state in the present day judicial system. They, however, provided the dockets with much greater responsibility for rendering the concept of justice available to the disadvantaged sections of the society. Public interest litigation has come to stay and its necessity cannot be overemphasized. The courts evolved a jurisprudence of compassion. Procedural propriety was to move over giving place to substantive concerns of the deprivation of rights. The rule of locus standi was diluted. The Court in place of disinterested and dispassionate adjudicator became active participant in the dispensation of justice”.

Aspects of PIL
(a) Remedial in Nature
Remedial nature of PIL departs from traditional locus standi rules. It indirectly incorporated the principles enshrined in the part IV of the Constitution of India into part III of the Constitution. By riding the aspirations of part IV into part III of the Constitution had changeth the procedural nature of the Indian law into dynamic welfare one. Bandhu Mukti Morcha v. Union of India, Unnikrishnan v. State of A.P., etc were the obvious examples of this change in nature of judiciary.

(b) Representative Standing
Representative standing can be seen as a creative expansion of the well-accepted standing exception which allows a third party to file a habeas corpus petition on the ground that the injured party cannot approach the court himself. And in this regard the Indian concept of PIL is much broader in relation to the American. PIL is a modified form of class action.

(c) Citizen standing
The doctrine of citizen standing thus marks a significant expansion of the court’s rule, from protector of individual rights to guardian of the rule of law wherever threatened by official lawlessness.

(d) Non-adversarial Litigation
In the words of S. C. in People’s Union for Democratic Rights v. Union of India, AIR 1982 S.C. 1473, “We wish to point out with all the emphasis at our command that public interest litigation…is a totally different kind of litigation from the ordinary traditional litigation which is essentially of an adversary character where there is a dispute between two litigating parties, one making claim or seeking relief against the other and that other opposing such claim or resisting such relief”. Non-adversarial litigation has two aspects.

1. Collaborative litigation; and
2. Investigative Litigation

Collaborative Litigation: In collaborative litigation the effort is from all the sides. The claimant, the court and the Government or the public official, all are in collaboration here to see that basic human rights become meaningful for the large masses of the people. PIL helps executive to discharge its constitutional obligations. Court assumes three different functions other than that from traditional determination and issuance of a decree.
(i). Ombudsman- The court receives citizen complaints and brings the most important ones to the attention of responsible government officials.
(ii) Forum – The court provides a forum or place to discuss the public issues at length and providing emergency relief through interim orders.
(iii) Mediator – The court comes up with possible compromises.

Investigative Litigation: It is investigative litigation because it works on the reports of the Registrar, District Magistrate, comments of experts, newspapers etc.

(e) Crucial Aspects
The flexibility introduced in the adherence to procedural laws. In Rural Litigation and Entitlement Kendra v. State of U.P.,(1985) 2 SCC 431, court rejected the defense of Res Judicta. Court refused to withdraw the PIL and ordered compensation too. In R.C. Narain v. State of Bihar, court legislated the rules for the welfare of the persons living in the mental asylum. To curtail custodial violence, Supreme Court in Sheela Barse v. State of Maharashtra, issued certain guidelines. Supreme Court has broadened the meaning of Right to live with human dignity available under the Article 21 of the Constitution of India to a greatest extent possible.

(f) Relaxation of strict rule of Locus Standi
The strict rule of locus standi has been relaxed by way of (a) Representative standing, and (b) Citizen standing. In D.C.Wadhwa v. State of Bihar, AIR 1987 SC 579, S.C. held that a petitioner, a professor of political science who had done substantial research and deeply interested in ensuring proper implementation of the constitutional provisions, challenged the practice followed by the state of Bihar in repromulgating a number of ordinances without getting the approval of the legislature. The court held that the petitioner as a member of public has ‘sufficient interest’ to maintain a petition under Article 32.

The rule of locus standi have been relaxed and a person acting bonafide and having sufficient interest in the proceeding of Public Interest Litigation will alone have a locus standi and can approach the court to wipe out violation of fundamental rights and genuine infraction of statutory provisions, but not for personal gain or private profit or political motive or any oblique consideration…court has to strike balance between two conflicting interests: (i) nobody should be allowed to indulge in wild and reckless allegations besmirching the character of others; and (ii) avoidance of public mischief and to avoid mischievous petitions seeking to assail, for oblique motives, justifiable executive and the legislature (Ashok Kumar Pandey v. State of W. B., (2004) 3 SCC 349).

It is depressing to note that on account of trumpery proceedings initiated before the courts, innumerable days are wasted, which time otherwise could have been spent for the disposal of cases of genuine litigants. Though the Supreme Court spares no efforts in fostering and developing the laudable concept of PIL and extending its ling arm of sympathy to the poor, ignorant, the oppressed and the needy whose fundamental rights are infringed and violated and whose grievances go unnoticed, unrepresented and unheard (Ashok Kumar Pandey v. State of W. B., (2004) 3 SCC 349).

(g) Epistolary Jurisdiction
The judicial activism gets its highest bonus when its orders wipe some tears from some eyes. This jurisdiction is somehow different from collective action. Number of PIL cells was open all over India for providing the footing or at least platform to the needy class of the society.

Features of PIL
Through the mechanism of PIL, the courts seek to protect human rights in the following ways:
1) By creating a new regime of human rights by expanding the meaning of fundamental right to equality, life and personal liberty. In this process, the right to speedy trial, free legal aid, dignity, means and livelihood, education, housing, medical care, clean environment, right against torture, sexual harassment, solitary confinement, bondage and servitude, exploitation and so on emerge as human rights. These new reconceptualised rights provide legal resources to activate the courts for their enforcement through PIL.
2) By democratization of access to justice. This is done by relaxing the traditional rule of locus standi. Any public spirited citizen or social action group can approach the court on behalf of the oppressed classes. Courts attention can be drawn even by writing a letter or sending a telegram. This has been called epistolary jurisdiction.
3) By fashioning new kinds of relief’s under the court’s writ jurisdiction. For example, the court can award interim compensation to the victims of governmental lawlessness. This stands in sharp contrast to the Anglo-Saxon model of adjudication where interim relief is limited to preserving the status quo pending final decision. The grant of compensation in PIL matters does not preclude the aggrieved person from bringing a civil suit for damages. In PIL cases the court can fashion any relief to the victims.
4) By judicial monitoring of State institutions such as jails, women’s protective homes, juvenile homes, mental asylums, and the like. Through judicial invigilation, the court seeks gradual improvement in their management and administration. This has been characterized as creeping jurisdiction in which the court takes over the administration of these institutions for protecting human rights.
5) By devising new techniques of fact-finding. In most of the cases the court has appointed its own socio-legal commissions of inquiry or has deputed its own official for investigation. Sometimes it has taken the help of National Human Rights Commission or Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) or experts to inquire into human rights violations. This may be called investigative litigation.

PIL as an Instrument of Social Change
PIL is working as an important instrument of social change. It is working for the welfare of every section of society. It’s the sword of every one used only for taking the justice. The innovation of this legitimate instrument proved beneficial for the developing country like India. PIL has been used as a strategy to combat the atrocities prevailing in society. It’s an institutional initiative towards the welfare of the needy class of the society. In Bandhu Mukti Morcha v. Union of India, S.C. ordered for the release of bonded labourers. In Murli S. Dogra v. Union of India, court banned smoking in public places. In a landmark judgement of Delhi Domestic Working Women’s Forum v. Union of India, (1995) 1 SCC 14, Supreme Court issued guidelines for rehabilitation and compensation for the rape on working women. In Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan Supreme court has laid down exhaustive guidelines for preventing sexual harassment of working women in place of their work.

Conclusion
It would be appropriate to conclude by quoting Cunningham, “Indian PIL might rather be a Phoenix: a whole new creative arising out of the ashes of the old order.”
PIL represents the first attempt by a developing common law country to break away from legal imperialism perpetuated for centuries. It contests the assumption that the most western the law, the better it must work for economic and social development such law produced in developing states, including India, was the development of under develop men.
The shift from legal centralism to legal pluralism was prompted by the disillusionment with formal legal system. In India, however instead of seeking to evolve justice- dispensing mechanism ousted the formal legal system itself through PIL. The change as we have seen, are both substantial and structural. It has radically altered the traditional judicial role so as to enable the court to bring justice within the reach of the common man.
Further, it is humbly submitted that PIL is still is in experimental stage. Many deficiencies in handling the kind of litigation are likely to come on the front. But these deficiencies can be removed by innovating better techniques. In essence, the PIL develops a new jurisprudence of the accountability of the state for constitutional and legal violations adversely affecting the interests of the weaker elements in the community. We may end with the hope once expressed by Justice Krishna Iyer, “The judicial activism gets its highest bonus when its orders wipe some tears from some eyes”.

What is DIRTY DOZEN?

The Intergovernmental Forum on Chemical Safety (IFCS) and the International programme on chemical safety (IPCS) prepared an assessment of the 12 worst offenders, known as the dirty dozen.

Dirty Dozen (12 POPs covered under the Stockholm Convention)

Aldrin

A pesticide applied to soils to kill termites, grasshoppers, corn rootworm, and other insect pests, aldrin can also kill birds, fish, and humans. In one incident, aldrin-treated rice is believed to have killed hundreds of shorebirds, waterfowl, and passerines along the Texas Gulf Coast when these birds either ate animals that had eaten the rice or ate the rice itself. In humans, the fatal dose for an adult male is estimated to be about five grams. Humans are mostly exposed to aldrin through dairy products and animal meats. Studies in India indicate that the average daily intake of aldrin and its byproduct dieldrin) is about 19 micrograms per person. The use of aldrin has been banned or severely restricted in many countries.

Chlordane

 Used extensively to control termites and as a broad-spectrum insecticide on a range of agricultural crops, chlordane remains in the soil for a long time and has a reported half-life of one year. The lethal effects of chlordane on fish and birds vary according to the species, but tests have shown that it can kill mallard ducks, bobwhite quail, and pink shrimp. Chlordane may affect the human immune system and is classified as a possible human carcinogen. It is believed that human exposure occurs mainly through the air, and chlordane has been detected in the indoor air of residences in the United States and Japan. Chlordane is either banned or severely restricted in dozens of countries.

Dichlor-Diphenyl-Trichloroethane (DDT)

 Perhaps the most infamous among the Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs), Dichlor-Diphenyl-Trichloroethane (DDT) was widely used during World War II to protect soldiers and civilians from malaria, typhus, and other diseases spread by insects. After the war, DDT continued to be used to control disease, and it was sprayed on a variety of agricultural crops, especially cotton. DDT continues to be applied against mosquitoes in several countries to control malaria. Its stability, its persistence (as much as 50% can remain in the soil 10-15 years after application), and its widespread use have meant that DDT residues can be found everywhere; residual DDT has even been detected in the Arctic. Perhaps the best known toxic effect of DDT is egg-shell thinning among birds, especially birds of prey. Its impact on bird populations led to bans in many countries during the 1970s. Thirty-four countries have banned DDT, while 34 others severely restrict its use. Nonetheless, DDT has been detected in food from all over the world. Although residues in domestic animals have declined steadily over the last two decades, food-

borne DDT remains the greatest source of exposure for the general population. The short-term acute effects of DDT on humans are limited, but long-term exposures have been associated with chronic health effects. DDT has been detected in breast milk, raising serious concerns about infant health.

Dieldrin

 Used principally to control termites and textile pests, dieldrin has also been used to control insect-borne diseases and insects living in agricultural soils. Its half-life in soil is approximately five years. The pesticide aldrin rapidly converts to dieldrin, so concentrations of dieldrin in the environment are higher than dieldrin use alone would indicate. Dieldrin is highly toxic to fish and other aquatic animals, particularly frogs, whose embryos can develop spinal deformities after exposure to low levels. Dieldrin residues have been found in air, water, soil, fish, birds, and mammals, including humans. Food represents the primary source of exposure to the general population. For example, dieldrin was the second most common pesticide detected in a United States survey of pasteurized milk.

Dioxins

 These chemicals are produced unintentionally due to incomplete combustion, as well during the manufacture of pesticides and other chlorinated substances. They are emitted mostly from the burning of hospital waste, municipal waste, and hazardous waste, and also from automobile emissions, peat, coal, and wood. There are 75 different dioxins, of which seven are considered to be of concern. One type of dioxin was found to be present in the soil 10–12 years after the first exposure. Dioxins have been associated with a number of adverse effects in humans, including immune and enzyme disorders and chloracne, and they are classified as possible human carcinogens. Laboratory animals given dioxins suffered a variety of effects, including an increase in birth defects and stillbirths. Fish exposed to these substances died shortly after the exposure ended. Food, particularly from animals, is the major source of exposure for humans.

Endrin

 This insecticide is sprayed on the leaves of crops such as cotton and grains. It is also used to control rodents such as mice and voles. Animals can metabolize endrin, so it does not accumulate in their fatty tissue to the extent that structurally similar chemicals do. It has a long half-life, however, persisting in the soil for up to 12 years. In addition, endrin is highly toxic to fish. When exposed to high levels of endrin in the water, sheepshead minnows hatched early and died by the ninth day of their exposure. The primary route of exposure for the general human population is

through food, although current dietary intake estimates are below the limits deemed safe by world health authorities.

Furans

These compounds are produced unintentionally from many of the same processes that produce dioxins, and also during the production of Polychlorinated Biphenyls (see Dirty Dozen). They have been detected in emissions from waste incinerators and automobiles. Furans are structurally similar to dioxins and share many of their toxic effects. There are 135 different types, and their toxicity varies. Furans persist in the environment for long periods and are classified as possible human carcinogens. Food, particularly animal products, is the major source of exposure for humans. Furans have also been detected in breast-fed infants.

Heptachlor

 Primarily used to kill soil insects and termites, heptachlor has also been used more widely to kill cotton insects, grasshoppers, other crop pests, and malaria-carrying mosquitoes. It is believed to be responsible for the decline of several wild bird populations, including Canadian Geese and American Kestrels in the Columbia River Basin in the United States. The geese died after eating seeds treated with levels of heptachlor lower than the usage levels recommended by the manufacturer, indicating that even responsible use of heptachlor may kill wildlife. Laboratory tests have also shown high doses of heptachlor to be fatal to mink, rats, and rabbits, with lower doses causing adverse behavioral changes and reduced reproductive success. Heptachlor is classified as a possible human carcinogen, and some two dozen countries have either banned it or severely restricted its use. Food is the major source of exposure for humans, and residues have been detected in the blood of cattle from the United States and from Australia.

Hexachlorobenzene

Hexachlorobenzene (HCB) was first introduced in 1945 to treat seeds. HCB kills fungi that affect food crops. It was widely used to control wheat bunt. It is also a by-product of the manufacture of certain industrial chemicals and exists as an impurity in several pesticide formulations. When people in eastern Turkey ate HCB-treated seed grain between 1954 and 1959, they developed a variety of symptoms, including photosensitive skin lesions, colic, and debilitation. Several thousand developed a metabolic disorder called porphyria turcica, and 14% died. Mothers also passed HCB to their infants through the placenta and through breast milk. In high doses, HCB is lethal to some animals and, at lower levels, adversely

affects their reproductive success. HCB has been found in food of all types. A study of Spanish meat found HCB present in all samples. In India, the estimated average daily intake of HCB is 0.13 micrograms per kilogram of body weight.

Mirex

This insecticide is used mainly to combat fire ants, and it has been used against other types of ants and termites. It has also been used as a fire retardant in plastics, rubber, and electrical goods. Direct exposure to mirex does not appear to cause injury to humans, but studies on laboratory animals have caused it to be classified as a possible human carcinogen. In studies, mirex proved toxic to several plant species and to fish and crustaceans. It is considered to be one of the most stable and persistent pesticides, with a half life of up to 10 years. The main route of human exposure to mirex is through food, particularly meat, fish, and wild game.

Polychlorinated Biphenyls

 Polychlorinated Biphenyls (PCBs) compounds are used in industry as heat exchange fluids, in electric transformers and capacitors, and as additives in paint, carbonless copy paper, and plastics. Of the 209 different types of PCBs, 13 exhibit a dioxin-like toxicity. Their persistence in the environment corresponds to the degree of chlorination, and half-lives can vary from 10 days to one-and-a-half years. PCBs are toxic to fish, killing them at higher doses and causing spawning failures at lower doses. Research also links PCBs to reproductive failure and suppression of the immune system in various wild animals, such as seals and mink. Large numbers of people have been exposed to PCBs through food contamination. Consumption of PCB-contaminated rice oil in Japan in 1968 and in Taiwan in 1979 caused pigmentation of nails and mucous membranes and swelling of the eyelids, along with fatigue, nausea, and vomiting. Due to the persistence of PCBs in their mothers' bodies, children born up to seven years after the Taiwan incident showed developmental delays and behavioral problems. Similarly, children of mothers who ate large amounts of contaminated fish from Lake Michigan showed poorer short-term memory function. PCBs also suppress the human immune system and are listed as probable human carcinogens.

Toxaphene

 This insecticide is used on cotton, cereal grains, fruits, nuts, and vegetables. It has also been used to control ticks and mites in livestock. Toxaphene was the most widely used pesticide in the US in 1975. Up to 50% of a toxaphene release can persist in the soil for up to 12 years. For humans, the most likely source of toxaphene exposure is food. While the toxicity to humans of direct exposure is not high, toxaphene has been listed as a possible human carcinogen due to its effects on laboratory animals. It is highly toxic to fish; brook trout exposed to toxaphene for 90 days experienced a 46% reduction in weight and reduced egg viability, and long-term exposure to levels of 0.5 micrograms per liter of water reduced egg viability to zero. Thirty-seven countries have banned toxaphene, and 11 others have severely restricted its use.